The Alan Sondheim Mail Archive

May 12, 2008

courtship displays of the manifolds:

coagulation or cohesion of elements, fold-catastrophic jumps, convulsions,
collocations, substructural part-objects, articulations; bendings, affine
and other morphological transformations.

from one end of the spectrum, the schrodinger cat paradox resolves as
leakage, what i'd term abjection, in relation to container and thinging
contained; from the other, it makes no difference since particles _jump,_
not to mention coordinations at distances, etc. it's almost code, codons.
it's almost discrete, symbolic. it breaks down only where the continuum
appears, continuity at the periphery. another tactic, that of binary
particle, that of continuous wave. or does the wave become discrete or
broth, roiled. modes of string vibrations. think of dimensional collapse
as the real.

think of this as _metaphor-engine,_ nothing more, swamped by ignorance.
think of mathesis among continuums and anything mapped where, surreal or
other numbers, integers; are natural numbers _natural_? thinned line or
stepping among infinitesimals.

courtship displays of the manifolds:

(and see if you haven't)

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 12 May 2008 22:08:31 -0400
From: moderator@PORTSIDE.ORG
Subject: "Namely the state of Israel"

"... Namely the state of Israel"

By: Uri Avnery
Left Forum Sunday, May 04, 2008

Every time I hear the voice of David Ben-Gurion
uttering the words "Therefore we are gathered here." I
think of Issar Barsky, a charming youngster, the little
brother of a girl-friend of mine.

The last time we met was in front of the dining hall of
Kibbutz Hulda, on Friday, May 14, 1948.

In the coming night my company was to attack al-Qubab,
an Arab village on the road to Jerusalem, east of
Ramle. We were busy with preparations. I was cleaning
my Czech-made rifle, when somebody came and told us
that Ben-Gurion was just making a speech about the
founding of the state.

Frankly, none of us was very interested in speeches by
politicians in Tel Aviv. The city seemed so far away.
The state, we knew, was here with us. If the Arabs were
to win, there would be no state and no us. If we won,
there would be a state. We were young and
self-confident, and did not doubt for a moment that we
would win.

But there was one detail that I was really curious
about: what was the new state to be called? Judea?
Zion? The Jewish State?

So I hastened to the dining hall. Ben-Gurion's
unmistakable voice was blaring from the radio. When he
reached the words ".namely the State of Israel" I had
had enough and left.

Outside I came across Issar. He was in another company,
which was to attack another village that night. I told
him about the name of the state and said "take care of

Some days later he was killed. So I remember him as he
was then: a boy of 19, a smiling, tall Sabra full of
joie de vivre and innocence.

The closer we come to the grandiose 60th anniversary
festivities, the more I am troubled by the question: if
Issar were to open his eyes and see us, still a boy of
19, what would he think of the state that was
officially established on that day?

He would see a state that has developed beyond his
wildest dreams. From a small community of 635,000 souls
(more than 6000 of whom would die with him in that war)
we have grown to more than seven million. The two great
miracles we have wrought - the revival of the Hebrew
language and the institution of Israeli democracy -
continue to be a reality. Our economy is strong and in
some fields - such a hi-tech - we are in the world
super- league. Issar would be excited and proud.

But he would also feel that something had gone wrong in
our society. The Kibbutz where we put up our little
bivouac tents that day has become an economic
enterprise, like any other. The social solidarity, of
which we were so proud, has collapsed. Masses of adults
and children live below the poverty line, old people,
the sick and the unemployed are left to fend for
themselves. The gap between rich and poor is one of the
widest in the developed world. And our society, that
once raised the banner of equality and justice, just
clucks its collective tongue and moves on to other

Most of all he would be shocked to discover that the
brutal war, which killed him and wounded me, together
with thousands of others, is still going on at full
blast. It determines the entire life of the nation. It
fills the first pages of the newspapers and heads the
news bulletins.

That our army, the army that really was "we", has
become something quite different, an army whose main
occupation us to oppress another people.

That night we indeed attacked al-Qubab. When we entered
the village, it was already deserted. I broke into one
of the homes. The pot was still warm, food was on the
table. On one of the shelves I found some photos: a man
who had obviously just combed his hair, a village
woman, two small children. I still have them with me.

I Assume that the village which was attacked by Issar
that night presented a similar picture. The villagers -
men, women, children - fled at the last moment, leaving
their whole life behind them.

There is no escape from the historic fact: Israel's
Independence Day and the Palestinians' Naqba
(Catastrophe) Day are two sides of the same coin. In 60
years we have not succeeded - and actually have not
even tried - to untie this knot by creating another

And so the war goes on.

With the 60th independence Day approaching, a committee
sat down to choose an emblem for the event. The one
they came up with looks like something for Coca Cola or
the Eurovision song contest.

The real emblem of the state is quite different, and no
committee of bureaucrats has had to invent it. It is
fixed to the ground and can be seen from afar: The
Wall. The Separation Wall.

Separation between whom, between what?

Apparently between Israeli Kfar Sava and neighboring
Palestinian Qalqiliyah, between Modi'in Illit and
Bil'in. Between the State of Israel (and some more
grabbed land) and the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
But in reality, between two worlds.

In the fevered imagination of those who believe in the
"clash of civilizations", whether George Bush or Osama
Bin-Laden - the Wall is the border between the two
titans of history, Western civilization and Islamic
civilization, two mortal enemies fighting a war of Gog
and Magog.

Our wall has become the front-line between these two

The wall is not just a structure of concrete and wire.
More than anything else, the wall - like every such
wall - is an ideological statement, a declaration of
intent, a mental reality. The builders declare that
they belong, body and soul, to one camp, the Western
one, and that on the other side of the wall there
begins the opposing world, the enemy, the masses of
Arabs and other Muslims.

When was that decided? Who made the decision? How?

102 Years ago, theodor Herzl wrote in his
ground-breaking oeuvre, Der Judenstaat, which gave
birth to the Zionist movement, a sentence fraught with
significance: "For Europe we shall constitute there [in
Palestine] a sector of the wall against Asia, we shall
serve as the vanguard of culture against barbarism."

Thus, in 22 german words, the world-view of Zionism,
and our place in it, was laid down. And now, after a
delay of four generations, the physical wall is
following the path of the mental one.

The picture is bright and clear: We are essentially a
part of Europe (like North America), a part of culture,
which is entirely European. On the other side: Asia, a
barbaric continent, empty of culture, including the
Muslim and Arab world.

One can understand Herzl's world view. He was a man of
the 19th century, and he wrote his treatise when white
Imperialism was at its zenith. He admired it with all
his soul. He endeavored (in vain) to arrange a meeting
with Cecil Rhodes, the man who symbolized British
colonialism. He approached Joseph Chamberlain, the
British Colonial Secretary, who offered him Uganda,
then a British colony. At the same time, he also
admired the German Kaiser and his so well-ordered
Reich, which carried out a horrible genocide in
South-West Africa in the year of Herzl's death.

Herzl's Maxim did not remain an abstract thought. The
Zionist movement followed it from the first moment on,
and the State of Israel continues to do so to this very

Could it have been different? Could we have become a
part of the region? Could we have become a kind of
cultural Switzerland, an independent island between
East and West, bridging and mediating between the two?
One month before the outbreak of the 1948 war, seven
months before the State of Israel was officially
founded, I published a booklet entitled "War or Peace
in the Semitic Region". It began with the words:

"When our zionist fathers decided to set up a "safe
haven" in Palestine, they had the choice between two

"They could appear in West Asia as a European
conqueror, who sees himself as a bridgehead of the
'white' race and master of the 'natives', like the
Spanish conquistadores and the Anglo-Saxon colonialists
in America. Like, in their time, the Crusaders in

"The other path was to see themselves as an Asian
people returning to its homeland - seeing themselves as
an heir to the political and cultural tradition of the
Semitic region."

The history of this country has seen dozens of
invasions. They can be divided into two main

There were the invaders who came from the West, such as
the Philistines, the Greeks, the Romans, the Crusaders,
Napoleon and the British. Such an invasion establishes
a bridgehead, and its mental outlook is that of a
bridgehead. The region beyond is hostile territory, its
inhabitants enemies who have to be oppressed or
destroyed. In the end, all of these invaders were

And there were the invaders who came from the East,
such as the Emorites, the Assyrians, the Babylonians,
the Persians and the Arabs. They conquered the land and
became part of it, influenced its culture and were
influenced by it, and in the end struck roots.

The ancient israelites were of the second category.
Even if there is some doubt about the Exodus from Egypt
as described in the Books of Moses, or the Conquest of
Canaan as described in the Book of Joshua, it is
reasonable to assume that they were tribes that came in
from the desert and infiltrated between the fortified
Canaanite towns, which they could not conquer, as
indeed described in Judges 1.

The zionists, on the other hand, were of the first
category. They brought with them the world-view of a
bridgehead, a vanguard of Europe. This world-view gave
birth to the Wall as a national symbol. It has to be
changed entirely.

One of our national peculiarities is a form of
discussion where all the participants, whether from the
Left or from the Right, use the clinching argument: "If
we don't do this and this, the state will cease to
exist!" Can one imagine such an argument in France,
Britain or the USA?

This is a symptom of "Crusader" anxiety. Even though
the Crusaders stayed in this country for almost 200
years and produced eight generations of "natives", they
were never really sure of their continued existence

I am not worried about the existence of the State of
Israel. It will exist as long as states exist. The
question is: What kind of state will it be?

A state of permanent war, the terror of its neighbors,
where violence pervades all spheres of life, where the
rich flourish and the poor live in misery; a state that
will be deserted by the best of its children?

Or a state that lives in peace with its neighbors, to
their mutual benefit; a modern society with equal
rights for all its citizens and without poverty; a
state that invests its resources in science and
culture, industry and the environment; where future
generations will want to live; a source of pride for
all its citizens?

That can be our objective for the next 60 years. I
think this is what Issar would have wanted, too.


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interpret the world and to change it.

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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 12 May 2008 19:44:22 -0700
From: Michael Gurstein <>
Subject: [stuff-it] FW: A Last Chance for Civilization

-----Original Message-----
From: moderator@PORTSIDE.ORG [mailto:moderator@PORTSIDE.ORG]
Sent: May 12, 2008 7:07 PM
Subject: A Last Chance for Civilization

The World at 350 A Last Chance for Civilization
By Bill McKibben
posted May 11, 2008

Even for Americans, constitutionally convinced that
there will always be a second act, and a third, and a
do-over after that, and, if necessary, a little public repentance and
forgiveness and a Brand New Start -- even for us, the world looks a little
Terminal right now.

It's not just the economy. We've gone through swoons
before. It's that gas at $4 a gallon means we're
running out, at least of the cheap stuff that built our sprawling society.
It's that when we try to turn corn into gas, it sends the price of a loaf of
bread shooting upwards and starts food riots on three continents. It's that
everything is so inextricably tied together. It's that, all of a sudden,
those grim Club of Rome types who, way back in the 1970s, went on and on
about the "limits to growth" suddenly seem... how best to put it, right.

All of a sudden it isn't morning in America, it's dusk
on planet Earth.

There's a number -- a new number -- that makes this
point most powerfully. It may now be the most important
number on Earth: 350. As in parts per million (ppm) of
carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.

A few weeks ago, our foremost climatologist, NASA's Jim
Hansen, submitted a paper to Science magazine with
several co-authors. The abstract attached to it argued
-- and I have never read stronger language in a
scientific paper -- "if humanity wishes to preserve a
planet similar to that on which civilization developed
and to which life on earth is adapted, paleoclimate
evidence and ongoing climate change suggest that CO2
will need to be reduced from its current 385 ppm to at
most 350 ppm." Hansen cites six irreversible tipping
points -- massive sea level rise and huge changes in
rainfall patterns, among them -- that we'll pass if we
don't get back down to 350 soon; and the first of them,
judging by last summer's insane melt of Arctic ice, may
already be behind us.

So it's a tough diagnosis. It's like the doctor telling
you that your cholesterol is way too high and, if you
don't bring it down right away, you're going to have a
stroke. So you take the pill, you swear off the cheese,
and, if you're lucky, you get back into the safety zone
before the coronary. It's like watching the tachometer
edge into the red zone and knowing that you need to
take your foot off the gas before you hear that clunk
up front.

In this case, though, it's worse than that because
we're not taking the pill and we are stomping on the
gas -- hard. Instead of slowing down, we're pouring on
the coal, quite literally. Two weeks ago came the news
that atmospheric carbon dioxide had jumped 2.4 parts
per million last year -- two decades ago, it was going
up barely half that fast.

And suddenly, the news arrives that the amount of
methane, another potent greenhouse gas, accumulating in
the atmosphere, has unexpectedly begun to soar as well. Apparently, we've
managed to warm the far north enough to start melting huge patches of
permafrost and massive quantities of methane trapped beneath it have begun
to bubble forth.

And don't forget: China is building more power plants;
India is pioneering the $2,500 car, and Americans are converting to TVs the
size of windshields which suck juice ever faster.

Here's the thing. Hansen didn't just say that, if we
didn't act, there was trouble coming; or, if we didn't
yet know what was best for us, we'd certainly be better
off below 350 ppm of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.
His phrase was: "...if we wish to preserve a planet
similar to that on which civilization developed." A
planet with billions of people living near those oh-so-floodable coastlines.
A planet with ever more vulnerable forests. (A beetle, encouraged by warmer
temperatures, has already managed to kill 10 times more trees than in any
previous infestation across the northern reaches of Canada this year. This
means far more carbon heading for the atmosphere and apparently dooms
Canada's efforts to comply with the Kyoto Protocol, already in doubt because
of its decision to start producing oil for the U.S. from Alberta's tar

We're the ones who kicked the warming off; now, the
planet is starting to take over the job. Melt all that
Arctic ice, for instance, and suddenly the nice white
shield that reflected 80% of incoming solar radiation
back into space has turned to blue water that absorbs
80% of the sun's heat. Such feedbacks are beyond
history, though not in the sense that Francis Fukuyama
had in mind.

And we have, at best, a few years to short-circuit them
-- to reverse course. Here's the Indian scientist and
economist Rajendra Pachauri, who accepted the Nobel
Prize on behalf of the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change last year (and, by the way, got his job
when the Bush administration, at the behest of Exxon
Mobil, forced out his predecessor): "If there's no
action before 2012, that's too late. What we do in the
next two to three years will determine our future. This
is the defining moment."

In the next two or three years, the nations of the
world are supposed to be negotiating a successor treaty
to the Kyoto Accord. When December 2009 rolls around,
heads of state are supposed to converge on Copenhagen
to sign a treaty -- a treaty that would go into effect
at the last plausible moment to heed the most basic and
crucial of limits on atmospheric CO2.

If we did everything right, says Hansen, we could see
carbon emissions start to fall fairly rapidly and the
oceans begin to pull some of that CO2 out of the
atmosphere. Before the century was out we might even be
on track back to 350. We might stop just short of some
of those tipping points, like the Road Runner
screeching to a halt at the very edge of the cliff.

More likely, though, we're the Coyote -- because "doing everything right"
means that political systems around the world would have to take enormous
and painful steps right away. It means no more new coal-fired power plants
anywhere, and plans to quickly close the ones already in operation.
(Coal-fired power plants operating the way they're supposed to are, in
global warming terms, as dangerous as nuclear plants melting
down.) It means making car factories turn out efficient
hybrids next year, just the way we made them turn out
tanks in six months at the start of World War II. It
means making trains an absolute priority and planes a

It means making every decision wisely because we have
so little time and so little money, at least relative
to the task at hand. And hardest of all, it means the
rich countries of the world sharing resources and
technology freely with the poorest ones, so that they
can develop dignified lives without burning their cheap

That's possible -- we launched a Marshall Plan once,
and we could do it again, this time in relation to
carbon. But in a month when the President has, once
more, urged us to drill in the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge, that seems unlikely. In a month when the
alluring phrase "gas tax holiday" has danced into our vocabulary, it's hard
to see (though it was encouraging to see that Clinton's gambit didn't sway
many voters). And if it's hard to imagine sacrifice here, imagine China,
where people produce a quarter as much carbon apiece as we do.

Still, as long as it's not impossible, we've got a duty
to try. In fact, it's about the most obvious duty
humans have ever faced.

A few of us have just launched a new campaign,
Its only goal is to spread this number around the world
in the next 18 months, via art and music and ruckuses
of all kinds, in the hope that it will push those
post-Kyoto negotiations in the direction of reality.

After all, those talks are our last chance; you just
can't do this one light bulb at a time. And if this campaign is a Hail Mary pass, well, sometimes
those passes get caught.

We do have one thing going for us: This new tool, the
Web which, at least, allows you to imagine something
like a grassroots global effort. If the Internet was
built for anything, it was built for sharing this
number, for making people understand that "350" stands
for a kind of safety, a kind of possibility, a kind of

Hansen's words were well-chosen: "a planet similar to
that on which civilization developed." People will
doubtless survive on a non-350 planet, but those who do
will be so preoccupied, coping with the endless
unintended consequences of an overheated planet, that civilization may not.

Civilization is what grows up in the margins of leisure
and security provided by a workable relationship with
the natural world. That margin won't exist, at least
not for long, this side of 350. That's the limit we

Bill McKibben is a scholar-in-residence at Middlebury
College and co-founder of His most recent book
is The Bill McKibben Reader.


Portside aims to provide material of interest
to people on the left that will help them to
interpret the world and to change it.

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Submit via the Web:
Frequently asked questions:
Account assistance:
Search the archives:


A Long and Wonderful Play of Plays

JULU: Excellent. And this is what I want you to do, Alan -
VYSHINSKY: Tell us the nature of your wrecking activities.
ZUBAREV: When I was working in the seed cultivation department --
Alan: This is excellent, and I will do my very best.
VYSHINSKY: What was the nature of your criminal activities?
ZUBAREV: Here my criminal activities consisted first of all in wrong.
Jennifer: I am learning so very hard here.
All three together: This is wonderful!
VYSHINSKY: How matters stood with butter, this is of interest to me.
ZELENSKY: We don't sell butter in the rural districts.
VYSHINSKY: I am not asking you what you sell. You were above all.
Alan: I see how this goes. This is amazing. They have been found out!
LEVIN: ...Gorky loved fire, flames, and we made use of this.
Julu: Oh oh, that is so awful! This is such an awful thing!
THE PRESIDENT: As regards wrecking work, it was necessary.
RYKOV: Even more than that!
Jennifer: Oh! Oh! Oh! Attacks from every side!
Nikuko: Oh! Woe! Attacks from within and without!
KRESTINSKY: ...Further Trotsky developed the idea of necessity!
Julu: Oh dearest us! How awful is Trotsky! Something must be done and now!
KAKAZOV: ... I stand before you, as the murderer!
Alan: Oh curses on Kakazov for his perfidious crime!
All: Oh we are saved from the wrecking and saboteurs of our country!
Nikuko: This is a wonderful play, Ladies and Gentlemen.
KIM IL SUNG: Hello, I am a member of the audience and I am very happy.
Jennifer: But oh Great Leader, what is to be done?
KIM IL SUNG: Hello, Our Party will fight against Right and 'Left'!
Julu: Oh that is so good, we will drag down the renegades!

JENNIFER: I beg pardon for the horrible crimes I have committed!
JULU: I am of course alive, Jennifer, what ever are you talking about?
JENNIFER: Julu's corpse is here before us: Poor, poor Julu, my misery!
JULU: Jennifer, will you stop that? This is silly!
JENNIFER: My guilt is aggravated...
JULU: Please, Jennifer, come with me! This is getting ridiculous!
JENNIFER: Disgraced, thrown in the dust, leaving life...
JULU: You have gone mad! You have been reading too many novels!
JENNIFER: Years weigh heavily on me with the nightmare of the crimes...
THE COURT: Jennifer, in the name of the commission duly entrusted --
PRESIDENT: You're going to die!
JENNIFER: I'll kill you!

ALAN: Look I'm fucking myself.
JULU: I'll fuck anyone I want to.
NIKUKO: I won't be fucked by anyone.
PRESIDENT: I've killed Jennifer!
ALAN: Look, I'm fucking myself.
JULU: I'll kill both of you.
NIKUKO: I'll kill all three.
PRESIDENT: You're going to die.
JENNIFER: I'll kill you.
ALAN: Look I'm fucking myself.
JULU: I'll fuck anyone I want to.
NIKUKO: I won't be fucked by anyone.
PRESIDENT: This is what I mean.
JENNIFER: I'll kill you.
ALAN: I'll fuck anyone I want to.
NIKUKO: Look I'm fucking myself.
JULU: I'll kill all of you.
JULU: Where is everyone?

THE PRESIDENT: I am in charge of agriculture. Please forgive me.
THE PRESIDENT: Who have you betrayed. This is of utmost importance!
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Jennifer. You and I know I am responsible.
Jennifer: You are responsible for what I see!
THE PRESIDENT: Exactly, thank you, Jennifer.
THE PRESIDENT: The graves of the hateful traitors will grow over!

Jennifer stands: I wish to introduce THE PRESIDENT.
Nikuko stands: I wish to introduce Jennifer.
Jennifer: Thank you, Nikuko.
Nikuko sits: You have been my guide for so many years, Jennifer.
Jennifer: Community is the foundation of all life, Nikuko.
Nikuko: Thank you, Jennifer.
Julu stands: It is wonderful that we live in such a time...
Jennifer: Thank you, Julu.
Alan stands: I wish to thank everyone who has participated in this play.
Nikuko: We want to thank you as well, Alan, for the opportunity.
Jennifer: Thank you as well, Alan.
Julu: Thank you.

Jennifer: We are sitting in a circle. We are waiting turns
Julu: We say we are the players.
Julu: We say we are the players. We say we are broken into scenes.

THE THEATER: Here we are in empty space. There is no audience. T
THE CATWALKS: We favor company and comfort.
THE CATWALKS: We are your bones. Without us you live dull and steady.
THE THEATER: We favor night and its seepages. We devour night.
THE THEATER AND CATWALKS: We favor bright light and sunshine!

THE PRESIDENT: I think I've been forgotten. The play continues.
THE THEATER: Roar roar roar. You're inside me just like an avatar.
Jennifer: These are announcements we're making, we're not quite ready...
THE PRESIDENT: I take care of your eyes.
Jennifer: I see quite well, thanks to you.
THE THEATER: Roar roar roar.
THE PRESIDENT: Please be quiet. No one wants to hear you.
Jennifer: THE PRESIDENT is part of the audience. THE PRESIDENT listens.
THE THEATER: Roar roar roar.
THE PRESIDENT: I am responsible for language.
Jennifer: THE PRESIDENT says the order doesn't matter.
THE PRESIDENT: I am perfectly powerful; my power is broken.
Jennifer: You are a duly elected official.
THE PRESIDENT: The term is decided only by the term. I am THE PRESIDENT!
THE THEATER: Roar roar roar.

THE PRESIDENT: I am your tongue. Your tongue takes care of your eyes.
THE THEATER: I'm going home.

Jennifer: He makes me speak Nicely but I can't write Interesting.
Jennifer: I can't see or hear. I can't sleep; I navar sleep.

Doctor Leopold Konninger: Nikuko, we understand each other.
Nikuko says: But you must do one thing for me doctor.
Nikuko says: You must remove your clothing.
Nikuko says:: I will wear my tutu.

Nikuko pirouettes with three cameras and there are sfx and a text
Nude Nikuko sitting on nude Doctor Leopold Konninger with sfx.
Quickcam segments with Nikuko's voice describing her sex.
Nikuko pirouettes in a transparent skirt for the Dovctor.
Nikuko and Doctor Leopold Konninger, both fully dressed, dance.
Nikuko in open kimono mouthing AAAAH like a shinto guardian.
The Male Ballet Dancer moves neurotically through the space.
Three still dance shots bring this dance to a halt.
Nikuko in tutu and the Male Ballet Dancer perform a Musical Number.

A woman's face appears superimposed on a train.
A Doodah song accompanying a half-naked Nikuko and fully naked Doctor.
Nikuko dances strangely by herself on the right-hand side.
Nikuko lies exhausted on a blanket wearing a pink tutu.

Jennifer says: Julu is in 400,000 pieces.
Piece 381,924 says: I am piece 381,924, you are addressing me.
Jennifer says: Julu piece 381,924 is addressing me.
Piece 381,924 says: Hello Julu, come in Julu.
Jennifer says: You are Julu-Julu; you have come in.
Piece 381,924 says: Maybe what I have to say is one thing.
Jennifer says: It is one thing, piece 381,924.
Piece 381,924 says: This is one thing Julu.
Jennifer says: This is Jennifer, Julu piece 381,924.
Piece 381,924 says: Forgive me ...

when they get loose (old odalisks) (wonderful animation)

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